Needless to say, the past month has been a rollercoaster if you follow French politics. On one hand, the surprise victory of the Left following President Emmanuel Macron’s decision to dissolve the National Assembly saved a hugely influential democracy from being handed to right-wing populists, aka the National Rally (Rassemblement National in French). On the other hand, Macron’s snap elections threw France into political instability with three major parties ringing for power now but no viable coalition government in sight. Here is what Gen Zers truly think about one of the most shocking political turns of 2024.
On 9 June 2024, President Emmanuel Macron dissolved the National Assembly and called for new elections in France following a crushing defeat by the far-right in the European Parliament election. His decision, which was hailed as a genius move by some and irresponsible by others, ushered in a period of political turmoil.
The intent was clear: instead of waiting until 2027 and allowing the rumour to grow that Marine Le Pen and her right-wing populist camp carry the mandate of the French people, Macron’s risky political play forced the public to take a stand against the growing threat of their nationalism. And from one point of view, Macron succeeded and was able to offer a sharp rebuke to the far-right. Despite the National Rally’s early advances, it ended up finishing third on Sunday 7 July against the expectations of analysts, pollsters and prognosticators.
On the other hand, the party and its allies won about 140 seats—more than at any time in history. “The tide is rising,” Le Pen told reporters on Sunday. “It didn’t rise high enough this time, but it’s still rising. And as a result, our victory, in reality, is only delayed.”
The snap elections also cost Macron’s party the majority in the National Assembly. Surprisingly, he was overtaken by the New Popular Front, a newly formed left-wing electoral alliance consisting of the Socialist Party, the Ecologists, the French Communist Party, Génération·s, and Place Publique.
This situation presented the country with a word unfamiliar to it until now: ungovernable. Macron’s Ensemble alliance, the New Popular Front, and the National Rally all have significant numbers but they must enter into a coalition to gain the absolute majority required to pass legislation. With their political views widely differing, it is unlikely that a functioning government will emerge, leaving one of Europe’s largest democracies in a precarious spot.
Both the far-right’s and the left’s rise that eroded Macron’s liberal political centre seemed to be underpinned by their increasingly Gen Z following. For this reason, we asked French Gen Zers what they think about the recent developments in their country.
“People are leaning towards [the] far right without saying it,” student and political content creator Victor noted. He is currently finishing his undergraduate in International Relations at the London School of Economics and Political Science. “Personally, my opinions stayed the same but what changed around me is people’s ability to publicly claim their support for the National Rally of Jordan Bardella and Marine Le Pen. This was inconceivable ten years ago when the party was still a minority under the shadow of Marine Le Pen’s father.”
“To give you a professional example, we wished to organise a conference for the European elections and sought to collaborate with other societies. Unfortunately, one society declined to participate as we sought to invite the National Rally. They argued they wouldn’t [want to] promote the far idea but we were faced with a dilemma of ignoring 30 per cent of [French] voters or not working with that society. In the end, we chose to still invite the National Rally to the debate. It showed that even if there is reluctance to Marine Le Pen’s ideas, they are difficult to ignore because people vote for her now.”
Mathilde, who is based in Paris and finished her Master’s in Gender, Development and Globalization last year still noted a certain stigma attached to voting for the far-right in the left-leaning city: “On one side of my family there is a history of voting for the Republicans. I feel like there is still some stigma around voting for the far-right after a discussion with my grandparents (they are white urban upper class).”
Professor Dr. Thomas König from the University of Mannheim in Germany attributed this to a propensity of younger generations to vote for extremes, during an interview with BR24. This tendency was way higher compared to older generations, who tend to be less experimental when it comes to their votes. Gen Zers also tend to be less connected to one party or ideology, making them more likely to swing across the political spectrum during elections and change their viewpoint at any given point in time.
Lastly, and potentially most importantly, Dr. König noted that right-wing populists are killing it on TikTok. So much so that videos of Jordan Bardella playing video games in tight-fitting turtlenecks, or slurping wine with journalists average 300,000 likes. Santé.
Still, the Left’s victory is also due to Gen Z voters.
“I’m not so sure it’s a win. I’d say it’s a temporary relief,” Victor noted. “The left won due to an unexpected will from political actors to remove themselves and call to block the far right. I’m afraid 2027 will be different.”
Mathilde felt similarly about the election outcome: “I don’t know if it’s a win for democracy given that the close political future is very uncertain and we are almost at a dead end. [The] far-right still won [roughly] 50 [more] seats compared to the last elections and were everywhere in the media. They gained ‘credibility’ and are destigmatised.”
Victor argued: “Mélenchon was useful in proving a rupture with the political system and reinvigorating the youth to vote. He represented hope but I feel many people hold on too much to that hope now. He was in politics before I was even born and much of his positions are going against the general political stream.”
Jean-Luc Mélenchon, who led the Left coalition, is quite unpopular in France, with 73 per cent of French holding a negative opinion of him (that’s more than for Marine Le Pen). Despite this, his commitment to overturning Macron’s controversial pension reform seems to have won him support. However, Mélenchon is outspokenly anti-NATO, arguing that the alliance perpetuates global militarisation and serves US geopolitical interests. He is also anti-Germany (France’s closest political ally) and in favour of removing economic sanctions on Russia to adopt a neutral stance in the Russo-Ukraine war. This has been more controversial among younger voters.
“Except for the La France Insoumise voters, everyone wants him out and many people are even afraid of him. His positions and his party bring subjects to the table, yes, but I doubt the French people would support him in government. Being chaotic wins you a seat (and not that many as he lost some from the previous elections), but not the government,” Victor continued.
Interestingly, Sofia, who is from a left-wing immigrant family and voted for La France Insoumise previously, felt less divided about Mélenchon.
“I know many people who voted for the Left coalition are against LFI, but I voted for them at the previous elections. I do not agree with all their foreign policy ideas, but I believe after the European Elections this vote was first and foremost a vote on national issues. Their proposition of raising the minimum wage, for example, is absolutely vital for me. Plus, I believe Mélenchon has evolved on quite a lot of his previous ideas. He is also not the only voice of the left coalition, nor is LFI the only party so I think there’s also a lot of ‘garde-fous’.”
When I asked the respondents about the future of French democracy, it seemed incredibly muddy and uncertain to them. Macron asked the French people to choose what they wanted and it seemed like they didn’t really know, due to years of polarisation, division and growing foreign conflict…
While Sofia noted that she wasn’t “ready to think about the future yet,” Mathilde replied: “I am worried about the apparent divide in France between big cities and more rural areas. We see that the voting trends look nothing alike and that the next government should really renew efforts to create a conversation with these inhabitants and answer their needs and concerns.”
Victor concluded: “Perhaps what I’d like to change is both public knowledge and the political atmosphere. Much was said during the debates and much was false. It’s difficult but if people are truly informed on key topics perhaps it would push people to be less extreme, less violent in their words or acts and push for a calmer France.”